[one_half]
[highlight]On the radio…[/highlight]
”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/174127547″
[/one_half]
The past six weeks of campaigning in the white-hot race for the 52nd Congressional District in San Diego County has seen an explosion in negative advertising paid for by outside spending groups not attached to either candidate, according to an inewsource analysis of Federal Election Commission data.
The spending, directed overwhelmingly toward negative advertising, has dwarfed the candidates’ own expenditures in recent weeks.
[one_half]
Between Sept. 15 and Oct. 21, these groups have pumped at least $5,388,246 into the race. That’s 99 percent of all the money they’ve spent on the race.
That figure does not include money spent on so-called “issue ads,” political advertisements that do not expressly advocate for or against the reelection of a candidate and that do not have to be reported to the FEC.
Such advertisements are favored by politically-active nonprofits because the practice allows them to skirt donor-disclosure requirements.
The contest in the 52nd — a district that runs north from Coronado to La Jolla and then east to include Carmel Valley, Scripps Ranch, Poway and Rancho Bernardo — pits first-term Democratic Rep. Scott Peters against Republican Carl DeMaio, an unsuccessful 2012 mayoral candidate. Both are former San Diego city councilmen.
[/one_half]
[one_half_last]
[box type=”shadow”]
Why this matters: The race in the 52nd congressional district is one of the closest in the nation, and outside groups have taken note, spending more than $5.4 million on the race.
Key Points:
1. Outside spending groups have plowed more than $5.4 million into the race, almost all since Sept. 15.
2. Such groups have dropped an average of $146,000 into the race every day between Sept. 15 and Oct. 21.
3. Outside spending totaled nearly two-and-a-half times as much as the candidates’ own spending between Sept. 15 and Oct. 15.
4. Nearly all outside spending in the race has been negative.
[/box]
[/one_half_last]
Peters is considered one of the most endangered incumbents in the country. The race is one of only 12 House races considered a “pure tossup” by the highly-regarded Rothenberg Political Report. The two candidates are in a virtual dead heat, according to a U-T San Diego/10News poll released last week.
[box type=”shadow”]
* Excluding expenditures spent on other candidates
Source: Federal Election Commission
[/box]
A late rush
The crush of outside spending in recent weeks mimics a national pattern in close races, says Bill Allison, editorial director of the Sunlight Foundation, an open government advocacy group that tracks money’s influence in politics.
“If there are polls that are coming in late in the race that show there’s a chance for one of the two parties to pick up a seat, you will see a flood of last-minute money coming in,” Allison said.
The first volley of outside money targeting specific candidates occurred in the weeks preceding the June 3 primary when a coalition of conservative political groups spent $180,000 supporting GOP candidate Kirk Jorgensen in his run against DeMaio. After Jorgensen lost, such groups basically went quiet until Aug. 1.
That’s when the National Republican Congressional Committee — a party-run committee whose sole purpose is to support GOP candidates for the House of Representatives — spent $23,375 on survey research and media.
The next expenditure didn’t occur until Sept. 15, when the NRCC dropped $422,630 on advertisements and survey research over a two-day period. Days later, the NRCC’s Democratic counterpart — the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee — answered, spending $320,000 on ads.
In an email, NRCC spokesman Tyler Houlton wrote that the committee’s role in the race was to counteract the spending by Democrat-aligned outside groups.
“We provide logistical and political support and advice to Carl DeMaio, though his campaign is run so well he rarely needs it,” Houlton wrote. “The reason we are spending so heavily in California’s 52nd Congressional District is to keep up with the DCCC and Nancy Pelosi’s House Majority PAC.”
House Majority PAC is a liberal super PAC with the stated goal of retaking the House of Representatives for the Democratic Party.
A spokesman for the DCCC declined to answer any specific questions about the committee’s role in the race.
Since the cash spigot busted open in mid-September, it’s never stopped.
Outside spending groups have dropped an average of $146,000 every day between Sept. 15 and Oct. 21.
Overwhelmingly negative
[box type=”shadow”]
A television ad attacking Democratic Rep. Scott Peters paid for by the Congressional Leadership Fund, a Republican-allied super PAC. CLF has invested more than $500,000 in the race.
[/box]
Spending by outside groups has been — for the most part — a drumbeat of negativity.
Through Oct. 21, outside groups have spent a total of $5,411,653 on expenses such as mailers, Internet and television ads and survey research.
According to the FEC data, 90 percent of all expenditures in the race have gone to oppose a candidate.
Carl Luna, a professor of politics at San Diego Mesa College, sees two reasons for the strategy.
“The candidates’ campaigns like to run the positive ads talking about their candidate’s background because they know their candidate best, and also it makes their candidate look like they’re taking the high road,” Luna said. “The negative ads can be run by the outside groups so that doesn’t throw dirt on their own candidate for being too negative, but also these outside groups really don’t know the candidates in the district.”
The outside spending group with the largest footprint in the race is the NRCC. The committee has spent $2,228,967 on the race, with 82 percent identified as opposing Peters.
In an email, Houlton, the group’s spokesman, defended the committee’s four-to-one ratio of negative to positive spending.
“It’s up to the voter to decide whether or not they view Scott Peters in a negative light,” Houlton wrote. “We’ve found from experience that highlighting Democrat’s voting records is an effective and fair way to communicate with voters.”
Not to be outdone in the negative advertising race, the DCCC — number two on the list of biggest outside spenders in the race — has poured $1,740,563 into the contest, all negative. The group hasn’t run any ads that focus on supporting Peters.
And it’s not just the party committees that are spending big on the race.
The Congressional Leadership Fund — a Republican-allied super PAC — has made the third-largest investment in the race, spending at least $512,798 on a television and web ad campaign that began earlier this month.
Emily Davis, a spokeswoman for the Congressional Leadership Fund, declined to comment for this story but in a previous interview had said the group saw an opportunity to make a difference in a close contest.
“Carl DeMaio has already proven that he is a strong candidate with his primary election results, in his strong fundraising, strong messaging and strong grassroots game and we believe that Carl DeMaio is well-positioned to compete and win this November,” Davis said.
The Sunlight Foundation’s Allison says the negative tone of the ads can be attributed partly to the timing in the campaign cycle. The overwhelming majority of ads funded by outside groups come late in the campaign when the public already has a clear idea of who the candidates are. All that’s left is to convince voters that one candidate is worse than the other.
“You’re not trying to boost name recognition for your candidate — the one you’re supporting,” Allison said. “You’re really trying to tear down the opponent, and we see that in race after race.”
Exceeding campaigns’ spending
Unlike outside spending groups, the candidates’ campaigns don’t have to report expenditures every day as they are made. The latest spending figures for DeMaio and Peters come from a series of campaign finance reports that cover the period from July 1 through Oct. 15. Those reports show that the campaigns spent a combined $4,198,458 during that period, excluding refunds of contributions and loan repayments.
Over the same period, outside spending groups spent $4,476,299 on the race.
Download this data here.
Source: Federal Election Commission via the Sunlight Foundation’s Influence Explorer
And unlike the spending totals for outside groups, the campaign figure includes all operating expenditures by the candidates — everything from food for volunteer phone bankers to payroll for campaign staff. The independent expenditures launched by outside spending groups are almost exclusively for costs related to advertising — things like ad production, purchases of television time, polling and postage for mailers.
And if one looks only at expenditures between Sept. 15, the date outside spending began in earnest, and Oct. 15, the closing date of candidates’ most recent reporting period, outside groups spent nearly two-and-a-half times as much as the candidates’ own campaigns — $4,452,892 to $1,857,281.
The Sunlight Foundation’s Allison says the phenomenon of outside groups outspending candidates is common in competitive House races. One reason is that FEC regulations require television stations to offer candidates the lowest possible rate for their ads. Stations are under no such obligation when outside groups come looking for air time, so they’ve got to spend more money to air the same number of ads as candidates.
Not that raising the required sums is particularly difficult for super PACs that — unlike candidate campaign committees — are allowed to accepted unlimited contributions from individuals, corporations, unions and almost any other source.
And campaigns spend money on everything from food for volunteer phone bankers to get-out-the-vote efforts. Not so with the outside groups.
“These groups — these super PACs — are basically commercial machines,” Allison said. “All they do is come in and buy air time and they can swamp the message of a candidate because that’s all they’re [doing].”
Luna, the Mesa College politics professor and a longtime observer of the region’s politics, said he’s never seen anything locally like the outside spending in the 52nd District.
“There really is no precedent for this much money coming into any race in San Diego from outside in such volume,” Luna said.
- Editorial Standards Page
- Ethics Policy
- Diversity Statement
- Diversity Staffing Report
- Corrections Policy
- Ownership Structure, Funding
- Founding Date
- Masthead
- Mission Statement with Coverage Priorities
- Fact-checking Standards
- Unnamed Sources Policy
Editorial Standards Page
- Our Mission
- Ethics Policy
- Diversity
- Ownership Structure, Funding and Grants
- Financial Documents
- Fact-checking and Verification Standards
- Unnamed Sources
- Corrections and Clarifications
- Actionable Feedback and Newsroom Contacts
- Masthead
- Byline Policy
- The Trust Project
- Privacy Policy
Our Mission
inewsource is a nonprofit, nonpartisan newsroom dedicated to improving lives in the San Diego region and beyond through impactful, data-based investigative and accountability journalism.
Our Vision
Betrayals of the public trust are revealed and rectified, wrongdoing is deterred, and inequities are illuminated thanks to inewsource’s deep, dogged, fact-based reporting.
Our Values
Truth: Above all else, we value the importance of a free and credible press. Truth is the cornerstone of democracy and the core value for inewsource.
Transparency: We build trust with our readers by adhering to the highest standards and ethics, and to reporting with facts, precision and context.
Collaboration: Our newsroom prioritizes collaboration over competition. We regularly partner with media outlets on reporting projects and to share content.
Community: Our reporting serves the San Diego region, and we strive to build relationships with our audience by getting out into the community to listen and engage.
Ethics Policy
inewsource will conduct its business with the highest standards of decency, fairness and accuracy. These standards shall apply equally to inewsource employees, freelancers and all others engaged in gathering information on behalf of inewsource. All receive a copy of these ethical standards.
In the course of our reporting, we will consistently:
● Identify our organization and ourselves fully and avoid false representations of any kind to any source.
● Obtain consent from all parties before electronically recording any interview or conversation except in extraordinary cases authorized by the Managing Editor and Editor. If a source refuses to be taped, that must be honored; no recordings are to be made without consent.
● Respect the individual’s right to privacy. inewsource will never manipulate or barter private, personal, health, financial or other extraneous information in the course of preparing its reports.
● Any source we describe or write about in any significant manner must be contacted. The employee should document all efforts to contact the source, and if unsuccessful, should summarize these efforts at contact in the body of his/her writing.
In addition, inewsource follows the Code of Ethics of the Society of Professional Journalists. The latest version, revised in 2014, can be found here.
Editorial Independence Policy
We subscribe to standards of editorial independence adopted by the Institute for Nonprofit News (INN) as follows:
Our organization retains full authority over editorial content to protect the best journalistic and business interests of our organization. We will maintain a firewall between news coverage decisions and sources of all revenue. Acceptance of financial support does not constitute implied or actual endorsement of donors or their products, services or opinions.
We accept gifts, grants and sponsorships from individuals and organizations for the general support of our activities, but our news judgments are made independently and not on the basis of donor support. Our organization also may consider donations to support the coverage of particular topics, but our organization maintains editorial control of the coverage. We will cede no right of review or influence of editorial content, nor of unauthorized distribution of editorial content.
Our organization will make public all donors who give a total of $1,000 or more. We will accept anonymous donations for general support only if it is clear that sufficient safeguards have been put into place that the expenditure of that donation is made independently by our organization and in compliance with INN’s Membership Standards.
Diversity
Diverse Voices
Inclusiveness is at the heart of thinking and acting as journalists, and it supports the educational mandate of inewsource. Race, class, generation, gender, sexual orientation, ability, and geography all affect point of view. inewsource believes that reflecting societal differences in reporting leads to better, more nuanced stories and a better-informed community.
inewsource is committed to employment equity and diversity.
Diverse Staffing Report
Below is a breakdown of staffing data at inewsource. We determine the composition of our staff by asking them to self-identify. It is based on a newsroom of 11 and a total staff of 15 as of August 2020. Percentages are based on 15 total survey responses. The numbers include full-time and part-time staff, full-time fellows and full-time and part-time interns.
| All Staff Percentages are based on 15 total survey responses. The numbers include full-time and part-time staff, full-time fellows and full-time and part-time interns. | Newsroom Percentages are based on 15 completed survey responses to this question. | Business Percentages are based on 15 completed survey responses to this question. | |||
| Gender Identity | Gender Identity | Gender Identity | |||
| Women | 80% | Women | 82% | Women | 75% |
| Men | 20% | Men | 18% | Men | 25% |
| Sexual Orientation | Sexual Orientation | Sexual Orientation | |||
| Straight | 87% | Straight | 82% | Straight | 100% |
| LGBTQ-identifying | 7% | LGBTQ-identifying | 7% | ||
| Not specified | 7% | Not specified | 7% | ||
| Speak a language beyond English at home | 33% | Speak a language beyond English at home | 18% | Speak a language beyond English at home | 75% |
| Race/Ethnicity | Race/Ethnicity | Race/Ethnicity | |||
| White | 67% | White | 73% | White | 50% |
| Hispanic or Latinx | 20% | Two or more races | 18% | Hispanic or Latinx | 50% |
| Two or more races | 13% | Hispanic or Latinx | 9% | ||
| Age | Age | Age | |||
| 20-29 | 40% | 20-29 | 45% | 20-29 | 25% |
| 30-39 | 47% | 30-39 | 45% | 30-39 | 50% |
| 60 or older | 13% | 60 or older | 9% | 60 or older | 25% |
* The percentages in the charts have been rounded and may not add up to 100.
Ownership Structure, Funding and Grants
inewsource is a nonprofit organization, whose legal name is Investigative Newsource. It does business as inewsource. The business was incorporated on Aug. 4, 2009 in the state of California. Tax-exempt status as a 501c3 was granted by the IRS on Sept. 15, 2010. inewsource is funded primarily by individual contributions and foundation grants. We are guided by a board of directors.
Editorial independence: Journalists employed by inewsource take no editorial direction from donors whose contributions may support the organization. inewsource will not hesitate to report on its donors when events warrant. Our Editorial Independence Policy details the firewall between journalism and revenue.
To be transparent with the public, inewsource lists its donors on its website. In cases where a donor is the subject of an inewsource story, additional disclosure will be made.
Financial Documents
We do our due diligence to earn your trust in our reporting, as well as in our governance and financial sustainability. All of our financial documents are made available to view so that our supporters can trust we are sound stewards of your philanthropy. Review our IRS Form 990s, audited financial statements and annual reports:
Tax Returns
Financial Statements
Annual Reports
Fact-checking and Verification Standards
Transparency is one of our core values. Today, there is a need to build trust with our audience because new media and ways of communicating spread lies and slanted news faster than “real” news. At the same time, this era of new technologies makes it easier than ever for news organizations to be transparent. People don’t just have to believe us, they can investigate our investigations with our source materials.
Transparency is key to building credibility.
inewsource reporters have primary responsibility for reporting, writing, and fact-checking their stories. But before a story is published, the reporter reviews all facts and sources with an editor or another reporter. Facts must be traced to a primary source.
In addition, we “transparify” certain investigative stories. This process involves publishing a version of the web story with hyperlinks to all the story’s facts. This is proof that all facts have been documented with primary evidence. We do this to build trust with our readers and to be as transparent as we hope the public figures and institutions that we hold accountable will be.
Unnamed Sources
Not all sources are created equal. Some sources cannot speak authoritatively, provide proper analysis or speak specifically to every inquiry placed before them. To maintain the integrity of our reporting, inewsource reporters must select sources who can speak with validity to the topic at hand, and avoid presenting unqualified or underqualified sources as experts.
If an interviewed source has a conflict of interest, or whose qualifications may be tangential or limited, reporters will note that within the context of the story.
It is incumbent upon reporters to fully background their sources to uncover conflicts of interest or slant prior to using them in a story.
Unless discussed prior to an interview, all subjects talking to inewsource journalists are on the record. Specifically, the source is identified by name and title, and their exact or paraphrased words are attributed to them for publication. If journalists speak with sources who are not politicians, public figures or those not commonly interviewed by journalists, staff should explain clearly that information discussed will be on the record and for publication.
There are times, however, when information may be critical for a story but cannot be found or verified by other means. For example, a source may be able to confirm specific information about a series of events they may have witnessed, but have legitimate concerns about using their name or title. The repercussions to the source could be legal, job-related retribution or personal safety. The source and journalist must discuss these potential dangers and terms of use should be agreed upon by both parties.
If inewsource publishes information from an anonymous source, inewsource will explain to readers, in as much detail as possible, why we agreed to anonymity.
Corrections and Clarifications
inewsource strives for accuracy in everything we do, which is why we are committed to fact checking our content. But sometimes we make errors. When that happens, we correct them. We also clarify stories when something we’ve written is confusing or could be misinterpreted.
We endeavor to always be transparent about our commitment to correcting errors and clarifying misperceptions. When staffers see, hear or read about a possible issue with the accuracy of any inewsource content, they are expected to bring it to the attention of an editor and the web producer so it can be evaluated to determine how to proceed.
Including the web producer is key because inewsource is a multimedia news organization and shares its content with multiple partners on multiple platforms. The web producer must alert these partners about corrections and clarifications.
Corrections and clarifications should be included at the bottom of stories and dated.
Actionable Feedback and Newsroom Contacts
Our audiences know the region we cover and have a stake in maintaining and improving the quality of life in San Diego and Imperial counties. We know your knowledge and insights can help shape what we cover and how we cover it. We invite your comments and complaints on news stories, suggestions for issues to cover or sources to consult. We rely on you to tell us when we get it right and when we need to keep pushing.
Your comments, questions and suggestions can be sent to the team as a whole at contact@inewsource.org or you can contact a specific member of our staff.
Masthead
CEO, Editor and Founder: Lorie Hearn, loriehearn@inewsource.org
Lorie Hearn is the chief executive officer, editor and founder of inewsource. She founded inewsource in the summer of 2009, following a successful reporting and editing career in newspapers. She retired from The San Diego Union-Tribune, where she had been a reporter, Metro Editor and finally the senior editor for Metro and Watchdog Journalism. In addition to department oversight, Hearn personally managed a four-person watchdog team, composed of two data specialists and two investigative reporters. Hearn was a Nieman Foundation fellow at Harvard University in 1994-95. She focused on juvenile justice and drug control policy, a natural course to follow her years as a courts and legal affairs reporter at the San Diego Union and then the Union-Tribune.
Hearn became Metro Editor in 1999 and oversaw regional and city news coverage, which included the city of San Diego’s financial debacle and near bankruptcy. Reporters and editors on Metro during her tenure were part of the Pulitzer Prize-winning stories that exposed Congressman Randy “Duke” Cunningham and led to his imprisonment.
Hearn began her journalism career as a reporter for the Bucks County Courier Times, a small daily outside of Philadelphia, shortly after graduating from the University of Delaware. During the decades following, she moved through countless beats at five newspapers on both coasts.
High-profile coverage included the historic state Supreme Court election in 1986, when three sitting justices were ousted from the bench, and the 1992 execution of Robert Alton Harris. That gas chamber execution was the first time the death penalty was carried out in California in 25 years.
In her nine years as Metro Editor at the Union-Tribune, Hearn made watchdog reporting a priority. Her reporters produced award-winning investigations covering large and small local governments. The depth and breadth of their public service work was most evident in coverage of the wildfires of 2003 and then 2007, when more than half a million people were evacuated from their homes.
Managing Editor: Mark J. Rochester, markrochester@inewsource.org
Mark J. Rochester began as inewsource managing editor in April 2021, having served as editor in chief at Type Investigations, a nonprofit investigative newsroom in Manhattan. He was previously senior news director for investigations at the Detroit Free Press. Both newsrooms, he notes, shared a commitment to diversity and inclusion, and their investigative journalism often received national recognition for exposing problems impacting communities of color.
His family looks forward to returning to California, having spent more than seven years in San Francisco where Rochester was a senior manager for the Associated Press. While with the news cooperative, he led computer-assisted reporting training efforts around the West, both inside and outside of AP, and conducted a widely used analysis of the $74 million in campaign contributions that went toward the California gay marriage ballot initiative in 2008. The AP analyzed who gave and why and then made the data available to member newspapers. The resulting series of stories based on the data was AP’s 2009 Pulitzer nomination for Local Reporting.
Rochester, who served as a Pulitzer Prize jurist in 2017, also has held senior leadership positions at the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, The Denver Post, Newsday and The Indianapolis Star. Rochester is vice president of Investigative Reporters & Editors Inc., the 6,000+ member international organization dedicated to improving investigative journalism. He also serves on the national advisory board of the Investigative Reporting Workshop at American University in Washington, D.C.
Managing Editor: Laura Wingard, laurawingard@inewsource.org
Laura Wingard is the managing editor at inewsource. She has been an editor in San Diego since 2002, working at The San Diego Union-Tribune, KPBS and now inewsource. At the Union-Tribune, she served in a variety of roles including as enterprise editor, government editor, public safety and legal affairs editor, and metro editor. She directed the newspaper’s award-winning coverage of the October 2007 wildfires and the 2010 disappearance of Poway teenager Chelsea King. She also oversaw reporting on San Diego’s pension crisis.
For two years, Wingard was news and digital editor at KPBS, overseeing a team of four multimedia reporters and two web producers. She also was the KPBS liaison with inewsource and collaborated with inewsource chief executive officer and editor Lorie Hearn on investigative work by both news organizations.
Wingard also worked at the Las Vegas Review-Journal as the city editor and as an award-winning reporter covering the environment and politics. She also was the assistant managing editor for metro at The Press-Enterprise in Riverside. She earned her bachelor’s degree at California State University, Fullerton, with a double major in communications/journalism and political science.
Byline Policy
Most of our articles carry a byline to identify the author. In some cases, inewsource will use a brand byline such as “Staff” or “inewsource” for internal or editorial information about the newsroom. In these instances, inewsource‘s Editor and Managing Editor are responsible for content that uses a brand byline.
The Trust Project
inewsource is proud to be a member of The Trust Project and support efforts to increase transparency in journalism by displaying the 8 Trust Indicators on our stories. We launched the Trust Indicators on Sep. 16, 2020.
Privacy Policy
inewsource has prepared this Privacy Policy to explain how we collect, use, protect, and share information when you use our inewsource.org website (the “Site“) or when you use any of our services (the “Services“).
By using the Site or Services you consent to this Privacy Policy.
Log Data
Like many site operators, we collect information that your browser sends whenever you visit our site (“Log Data”).
This Log Data may include information such as your computer’s Internet Protocol (“IP”) address, browser type, browser version, the pages of our site that you visit, the time and date of your visit, the time spent on those pages and other statistics.
Cookies
Cookies are files with small amount of data, which may include an anonymous unique identifier. Cookies are sent to your browser from a web site and stored on your computer or mobile device.
Like many sites, we use “cookies” to collect information. You can instruct your browser to refuse all cookies or to indicate when a cookie is being sent. However, if you do not accept cookies, you may not be able to use some portions of our site.
Certain pages on our site may set other third party cookies. For example, we may embed content, such as videos, from another site that sets a cookie. While we try to minimize these third party cookies, we can’t always control what cookies this third party content sets.
Additionally, we may use third party services — such as those that provide social media conveniences, measure traffic, send newsletters and facilitate donations — that may place cookies on your computer. We don’t have any way of knowing how such services handle the resulting data internally. inewsource makes no claim, nor takes liability for the insecure submission of information via these applications.
Here are the services whose cookies you can find on inewsource.org:
- Sharing buttons for Facebook and Twitter. These use the standard scripts provided by each company.
- Google Analytics, which we use to measure site traffic. Google Analytics gathers certain non-personally identifying information over time, such as your IP address, browser type, internet service provider, referring and exit pages, time stamp, and similar data. We also use Facebook Pixel to measure, optimize and build audiences for advertising campaigns served on Facebook. In particular it enables us to see how our users move between devices when accessing our website and Facebook, to ensure that our Facebook advertising is seen by our users most likely to be interested in such advertising by analyzing which content a user has viewed and interacted with on our website.
- Stripe, which allows us to accept donations through our website.
- Salesforce to manage newsletter subscriber, donor, and other identifiable user data.
- Mailchimp, to manage newsletter distributions. We collect your email address if you choose to subscribe to one of our email newsletters or email news alerts. Other optional information that you enter when subscribing – such as your first and last names or city are simply so that we can deliver more personalized email newsletters. We DO NOT sell, rent or market your information to any other parties. We retain your information only as long as necessary to provide your service. When we send emails, it collects some data about which users open the emails and which links are clicked. We use this information to optimize our email newsletters and, as aggregate information, to explain what percentage of our users open and interact with our newsletters.
Personal Data
We only collect personally identifiable information such as your name and email address when you sign up for a newsletter, donate to our organization, or otherwise submit it to us voluntarily. We do not share your personal data with any third parties other than some common service providers, whose products use your information to help us improve our site, deliver newsletters, or allow us to offer donation opportunities.
inewsource limits access to all user data for the purposes of newsletter, fundraising, and customer service only. User data is not sold to or otherwise shared with anyone not working with or for the inewsource.
You may unsubscribe or opt-out of our email and mail communications at any time by hitting the “unsubscribe” button in any email you receive from inewsource, or by emailing us at contact@inewsource.org or calling us at 619-594-5100.
Donor Information
The identities of all donors will be listed on our website. inewsource does not share, trade, sell, or otherwise release donors’ personal information to any third parties.
Refunds
If you encounter errors when donating on the website, please contact us at members@inewsource.org. For example, if you submit a donation for an incorrect amount or make a duplicate transaction please email us immediately so we can reverse the charges.
Cancellation of Recurring Donations
You can cancel your monthly recurring donations free of charge by notifying us at members@inewsource.org.
Links to Other Websites
Our site may contain links to documents, resources or other websites that we think may be of interest to you. We have no control over these other sites or their content. You should be aware when you leave our site for another, and remember that other sites are governed by their own user agreements and privacy policies, which should be available to you to read.
Disclaimers and Limitation of Liability
Although we take reasonable steps to prevent the introduction of viruses, worms, “Trojan Horses” or other destructive materials to our site, we do not guarantee or warrant that our site or materials that may be downloaded from our site are free from such destructive features. We are not liable for any damages or harm attributable to such features. We are not liable for any claim, loss or injust based on errors, omissions, interruptions or other inaccuracies on our site, nor for any claim, loss or injust that results from your use of this site or your breach of any provision of this User Agreement.
Contact Us
If there are any questions regarding this privacy policy, please contact us at contact@inewsource.org or call us at 619-594-5100.
This is at the heart of why this country is going to Hell in a hand basket. The money – and especially PROFIT – need to be taken out of the process of getting elected. It has been proven through scholarly research that we now live under a corporate oligarchy, and this despicable “race” is the quintessential example. The “winner” – I put the word in quotes because they’re both losers at this point – will have been bought and paid for by the rich special interests behind these PAC’s and Super-PAC’s that are running these trashy ad campaigns.
It’s up to us to do something about it. We have to come together and put a stop to this corruption. We have to eschew the two-party propaganda and think for ourselves.
Great article…lots of good info. Point well made on massive campaign spending. But, ….question:
Why the two “free anti-Peterson” ads in the article? Or, is VOSD being paid to use them? Wouldn’t this article have been more balanced using ads from both candidates?
Honest question: how is self administered thinking in any way prevented by advertising, political or otherwise? Asked a different way, Aren’t we capable of thinking for ourselves regardless of how much anyone else spends on ads?
If you want to shrink campaign spending, then shrink government’s power over individual persons and businesses.
It is only rational to try to influence those with power over you.
Reduce the size and pervasiveness of govt and contributions will be reduced.
Until then, as govt grows so will the rational need to obtain influence.
This is not a particularly happy circumstance, but it is a rational response to govt growth and power.
Apparently not.
So you cant think for yourself until someone makes the evildoers stop the onslaught of irresistible hypnotic media buys? Probably not safe for you to own a media reception device of any kind then. Hope this article didnt have any banner ads. LOOK AWAY!! AVERT YOUR EYES WHILE YOU STILL CAN!!!
You must not have children.
I have a question for Mr. Yerardi re: this well-researched (and frankly appalling) report. I hope it’s not too off-topic.
You stated: “That figure does not include money spent on so-called “issue ads,” political advertisements that do not expressly advocate for or against the reelection of a candidate and that do not have to be reported to the FEC.”
It’s my understanding that SB 27 (passed in May) requires the disclosure of non-profit donors in CA (though not on the ads themselves), and one of the many political advocacy emails I receive stated that the new rules were in effect for this election. Is this the case?
http://us7.campaign-archive2.com/?u=218404b9b7d17b8e087467c45&id=426bfe27de&e=6cbc58f451
http://www.moneyoutvotersin.org/sb_27_is_signed_into_law
Hi, there!
Thanks for the kind words about the story. SB27 only applies to groups that spend money on state elections (e.g., governor, attorney general, state assembly, etc.) and so groups that spend money on federal elections like that for the 52nd Congressional District don’t have to disclose anything.
-Joe Yerardi
Oh! Thank you so much for clarifying that. So it would apply to state propositions as well, but not to any federal election. Got it.
Yes.
-Joe Yerardi